Explore Ayatollah Khamenei’s reign, health concerns, and Iran’s future in this in-depth profile. Uncover the Supreme Leader’s legacy at TheInterviewTimes.com.
For over three decades, Ayatollah Ali Hosseini Khamenei has been the singular force shaping Iran’s political, religious, and military landscape. As the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic since 1989, Khamenei wields unparalleled authority, guiding Iran through turbulent domestic challenges and complex international relations. His life, marked by revolutionary zeal, strategic pragmatism, and unwavering commitment to the 1979 Islamic Revolution, offers a window into the complexities of modern Iran. This profile explores Khamenei’s journey from a young cleric to the Middle East’s longest-serving head of state, delving into his ideology, leadership, and the controversies that define his tenure.
Ayatollah Khamenei’s Early Life and Religious Roots
Born on April 19, 1939, in Mashhad, Iran, Ali Hosseini Khamenei was the second of eight children in a modest clerical family. His father, Javad Khamenei, an ethnic Azerbaijani scholar from Khamaneh near Tabriz, was trained in Najaf, Iraq, a hub of Shi’a scholarship. His mother, Khadijeh Mirdamadi, was an ethnic Persian from Yazd. Growing up in the holy city of Mashhad, home to the Imam Reza Shrine, Khamenei was steeped in religious tradition from a young age. At four, he began Quranic studies at a local maktab, and by 11, he had donned clerical robes, following his father’s path into the seminary.
Khamenei’s early education unfolded in Mashhad’s hawza (seminary) under mentors like Sheikh Hashem Qazvini and Ayatollah Milani. In 1957, he briefly studied in Najaf but returned to Mashhad at his father’s insistence. By 1958, he settled in Qom, Iran’s theological epicenter, where he studied under prominent scholars, including Ayatollah Seyyed Hossein Borujerdi and Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the future leader of the Islamic Revolution. Khomeini’s radical vision of velayat-e faqih (guardianship of the Islamic jurist) profoundly influenced Khamenei, shifting his focus from scholarship to political activism.
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Revolutionary Firebrand
In the 1960s, Ayatollah Khamenei emerged as a vocal opponent of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s secular monarchy. Inspired by Khomeini’s exile in 1964, he ran clandestine missions, distributing anti-regime propaganda and organizing Islamist networks. His activism led to six arrests by the Shah’s SAVAK secret police, with periods of torture and exile to Iranshahr in 1977. These experiences, reportedly intensified by SAVAK’s ties to the CIA and Mossad, fueled Khamenei’s lifelong distrust of Western powers.
During the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Khamenei was a key ally of Khomeini, co-founding the Islamic Republican Party (IRP) and serving on the Revolutionary Council. His fiery oratory and loyalty earned him Khomeini’s trust, positioning him as a rising star in the new regime. In 1980, Khomeini appointed him Tehran’s Friday prayer leader, amplifying his public influence.
Presidency and Survival
In 1981, following the assassination of President Mohammad-Ali Rajai, Ayatollah Khamenei was elected Iran’s third president, winning 95% of the vote in an uncontested election. Days before, on June 27, 1981, he narrowly survived an assassination attempt by the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK), when a bomb hidden in a tape recorder paralyzed his right arm. His presidency (1981–1989) coincided with the brutal Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988), which claimed nearly a million lives. Khamenei’s role was largely ceremonial, with executive power vested in Prime Minister Mir-Hossein Mousavi, whom he clashed with over ideological differences.
As president, Ayatollah Khamenei advocated for Khomeini’s velayat-e faqih, consolidating clerical control and purging liberal and leftist elements from the government. His foreign policy focused on resisting U.S. influence, notably during the Iran hostage crisis (1979–1981), where he served as a key negotiator. In 1987, he criticized U.S. presence in the region at the United Nations, cementing his anti-Western stance.
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Ascension to Supreme Leader
When Khomeini died in June 1989, Khamenei’s ascent to Supreme Leader was unexpected. Lacking the religious credentials of a marja-e taqlid (source of emulation), as originally required by the constitution, Khamenei was a mid-ranking hojatoleslam. To enable his succession, the Assembly of Experts, influenced by Khomeini’s ally Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, amended the constitution to allow a lower-ranking cleric. On June 4, 1989, Khamenei was elected Supreme Leader, a lifetime role as Iran’s head of state and commander-in-chief.
In 1994, after Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Ali Araki’s death, the Society of Seminary Teachers of Qom declared Khamenei a marja, elevating him to Grand Ayatollah. However, several senior clerics, including Hossein-Ali Montazeri, rejected this, citing his limited theological scholarship. Montazeri’s criticism led to his house arrest, underscoring Khamenei’s intolerance for dissent.
Leadership Style and Power Consolidation
As Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei has centralized power, balancing factions to prevent any group from dominating. He appoints key figures, including the judiciary chief, Guardian Council members, and IRGC commanders, while overseeing the legislature, executive, and media. His control extends to bonyads (charitable foundations) and Setad, a financial empire estimated at $95 billion, bolstering his economic influence.
Ayatollah Khamenei’s alliance with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has been pivotal. The IRGC, a military and economic powerhouse, enforces his policies domestically and projects Iran’s influence abroad through proxies like Hezbollah and Yemen’s Ansar Allah. His pragmatic yet hardline approach allows limited reformist victories, as seen in President Mohammad Khatami’s 1997 election, while neutralizing threats to the regime’s core ideology.
Domestic Challenges and Repression
Khamenei’s tenure has faced significant domestic unrest. The 2009 Green Movement, sparked by disputed election results favoring Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, saw millions protest Khamenei’s endorsement of the outcome. The regime’s crackdown, including arrests and killings, drew global condemnation. In 2022, the death of Jina Mahsa Amini in morality police custody ignited nationwide protests, with women-led demonstrations challenging the regime’s strict social codes. Khamenei labeled protesters “thugs,” and security forces suppressed the uprising, reinforcing his commitment to theocratic rule.
Critics, including journalists and bloggers, face imprisonment for insulting Khamenei, often under blasphemy charges. The Committee to Protect Journalists named him a top enemy of press freedom in 2000, citing widespread media censorship. Religious minorities, notably Baháʼís, face persecution, reflecting Khamenei’s emphasis on Shi’a supremacy.
Foreign Policy and the Axis of Resistance
Ayatollah Khamenei’s foreign policy centers on resisting Western hegemony and supporting the “Axis of Resistance,” a coalition of Iran-aligned groups like Hezbollah, Hamas, and Syrian forces. His anti-U.S. and anti-Israel rhetoric, rooted in Khomeini’s “Neither East, Nor West” doctrine, defines Iran’s global posture. In 2003, he issued a fatwa banning nuclear weapons, though Western skepticism persists amid Iran’s uranium enrichment program. Recent tensions, including Israel’s 2025 strikes on Iranian nuclear sites, have heightened scrutiny of his nuclear ambitions.
Ayatollah Khamenei’s support for regional proxies has drawn Iran into conflicts in Syria, Iraq, and Yemen, earning it the label of the world’s leading state sponsor of terrorism from critics like United Against Nuclear Iran. His personal ties to figures like Hezbollah’s late leader Hassan Nasrallah, killed by Israel in 2024, underscore his strategic investment in these alliances. In 2025, Khamenei rejected U.S. nuclear talks, calling negotiations “dishonorable,” and vowed retaliation against Israel for strikes on Tehran.
Personal Life and Cultural Interests
Ayatollah Khamenei lives in Beit-e Rahbari, a fortified compound in Tehran, with his wife, Khojaste Bagherzadeh, and their six children, including Mojtaba, a cleric speculated as a potential successor. Two of his brothers, Hadi and Mohammad, are clerics, while his sister Fatemeh died in 2015. Despite his austere image, Ayatollah Khamenei is an avid reader of Western literature, admiring Tolstoy, Hugo, and Steinbeck, and has translated works by Egyptian Islamist Sayyid Qutb. His love for poetry has led to crackdowns on poets critical of the regime, revealing a paradox in his cultural tastes.
Ayatollah Khamenei’s Health and Succession
At 86, Ayatollah Khamenei’s health is a growing concern. Reports in 2024 claimed he was seriously ill, and in December, some sources alleged he was in a coma, though unverified. His 2014 prostate surgery and canceled appearances in 2022 fuel speculation. The question of succession looms large, with his son Mojtaba and former Chief Justice Sadiq Larijani as potential candidates. Mojtaba’s rumored control of the Basij militia and financial assets makes him a frontrunner, though his limited religious stature mirrors his father’s at the time of succession.
Recent Crises and Legacy
In 2025, Ayatollah Khamenei faces unprecedented challenges. Israel’s strikes on Iran’s nuclear infrastructure, coupled with the deaths of IRGC commanders, have exposed vulnerabilities in Iran’s defenses. Reports suggest Khamenei sought shelter in a Tehran bunker during attacks, highlighting the regime’s precarious position. Domestically, economic sanctions and public discontent over diverted military spending fuel dissent. President Masoud Pezeshkian’s 2024 election, seen as a nod to moderates, reflects Khamenei’s attempt to bolster legitimacy amid unrest.
Ayatollah Khamenei’s legacy is a study in contradictions: a revolutionary who entrenched a theocracy, a scholar who prioritized politics over theology, and a leader who navigates pragmatism and ideology. His stewardship of Khomeini’s vision has made Iran a regional power, but at the cost of isolation and internal strife. As he navigates his twilight years, Khamenei’s choices will shape not only Iran’s future but the broader Middle East’s trajectory.